Initial variables of the data collection process:
UN/UN peacekeeping policy reform
No record.
Perception of peacekeeping
No record.
Domestic political environment
Sultan Qaboos bin Said al-Said has ruled Oman as an absolute monarch since coming to power in a bloodless palace coup in 1970 (Ibid.). No political parties are allowed (Ibid.).
The sultan appoints the Council of Ministers, and an advisory council, the Majlis al-Shura, is elected every three years. The sultan retains the positions of both head of state and prime minister, and formally holds the portfolios of defence, finance and foreign affairs. The lack of a separate prime minister to deal with day-to-day decisions has led to frustration on the part of senior bureaucrats, who find that obtaining authority to carry out tasks or projects can consequently take far longer than might otherwise be necessary. (Ibid.)
Domestic economic environment
As in most Gulf countries, hydrocarbons form the most important sector of the Omani economy, with crude oil accounting for over 25% of GDP in real terms (Ibid., 18). In contrast to neighboring states, Oman’s oil resources are relatively limited and difficult to extract, which has added urgency to the government’s long-standing drive to diversify the economy (Ibid.). In the longer term, “the key uncertainties stem from the question of the succession and the looming challenge of finding jobs for the predominantly young Omani population” (EIU 2006cf, 1).
Military affairs
The head of state is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces (EIU 2006ai, 8). Sultan Qaboos came to power in 1970 in a palace coup and has led the country since (Ibid.). He is also prime minister (as well as foreign minister and defence minister), leaving decision-making formally and actually concentrated heavily in his hands (Ibid.).
The armed forces are held in high regard in Oman, owing to the sultan’s early need to rely on them to defeat the southern rebellion, as well as his own education at the British military academy, Sandhurst. However, although military spending is high, the sultan has successfully sought to keep military figures out of political life. In contrast to some other Gulf states, the Omani military is staffed largely by locals, with only a few Western advisers, and has a good reputation for professionalism and efficiency. (Ibid., 10)
Foreign policy
Oman has generally good relations with neighboring Arab states, particularly the United Arab Emirates (UAE), with which it reached an agreement finally settling its land borders in mid-2002 (Ibid., 9).
It is an enthusiastic member of the GCC, a grouping of oil-producing regional monarchies founded in 1981, which also includes the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Oman has been at the forefront of efforts to improve defence co-ordination between GCC member states, and is an active proponent of closer regional economic ties. Economic and diplomatic ties with Yemen, where Oman has long sought to promote stability, have strengthened in recent years, although memory of Yemeni support for Dhofari rebels until the 1970s still generates some suspicion. Nonetheless, the two countries agreed their land borders in 1992 and finalized a maritime agreement in 2003. (Ibid.)
Oman, like other regional states, opposed the US-led invasion of Iraq in its planning stages, attempting to avert it by brokering an accord between Iraq and Kuwait at the 2002 Arab League summit in Beirut (Ibid., 10).
Relations with the UK and the US are the central plank of Oman’s defence and security strategy and consequently form a key aspect of the sultanate’s foreign policy orientation (Ibid.).
The British and Omani armed services have long-standing ties, and, particularly during the early years of the sultan’s rule, the UK provided military personnel on both a loan-service and a contract basis. The US has a facilities access agreement with Oman that allows the US military to preposition some equipment in Oman. The agreement was first signed in 1980, and has been subsequently renewed twice, each time for a decade. Sultan Qaboos was one of the regional leaders contacted personally by the US president, George W. Bush, ahead of the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Although it has never been confirmed, it is widely believed that the US asked for support for the war, which resulted in Oman agreeing to military bases in remote parts of the country being used in the air campaign. Whether this was limited to refueling and support flights as was the case in the US campaign against the Taliban in Afghanistan in 2001 or involved direct offensive missions is unclear. (Ibid.)
Additional variables found after the preliminary analysis:
Climate changes
No record.
Independent negotiations taken by DPKO to seek troops
No record.
Independent negotiations taken by contributor countries to engage non-contributor countries
No record.
Meetings organized by other international organizations to engage in dialogue about peacekeeping
No record.
